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We must shift the arms race into a 'peace race.' |
| A United States and United Nations Partnership |
| By Samir Sanbar, United Nations Assistant Secretary General |
| Monday, August 25, 2008 |
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Delivered at an International Symposium on the United States and the United Nations, “Exploring the Future of US-UN Relations,” January 23, 2002
To use a health term, the relationship is organic. The US influence on the United Nations is deeper than generally recognized or acknowledged. As a host country, whatever Americans think of the good city of New York, U.N. diplomats and U.N. staff, who are making decisions and proposing ideas, are actually living in American society. Their main media link is with the American media. Their families are educated in US schools and in an American atmosphere. While enjoying the highly developed hospitality, the United Nations spends more in the city of New York than the United States’ contribution to the United Nations. If figures are needed, we have them. In political matters the United Nations would seem to be a convenient scapegoat in case of failure. The American public has greater knowledge of the United Nations than most other people. You notice the visits by school children. That is an area where we have worked very hard. While the United Nations remains a lofty organization in the opinion of a large number of American people, they also want it to work. They support the United Nations generally. They may criticize it, but they would like it to work. As an indication of how close the United Nations and the United States were in a previous period, one should be reminded that during the first 24 years of its existence, the United States did not use its Security Council veto power. The first time the veto was used was on March 17, 1970, when there was a Security Council resolution condemning Rhodesia. The United States later relented and supported the independence of Zimbabwe, the former Rhodesia. The veto was used sparingly in the beginning. Even now it is used judiciously. Republican or Democrat, there is a consistent American position of supporting the United Nations but urging more reform. Even the language of US presidents is similar. President Nixon said in 1972, “We can easily undermine the United Nations by asking too much of it.” A quarter of a century later in 1997, President Clinton told the General Assembly, “In order for the United States always to say ‘yes’ to the United Nations, the United Nations sometimes has to say ‘no.’ “ It is a different spin but essentially the same thing. The UN Secretaries-General have had a consistent position of wanting reform. U Thant thought the United Nations had only 10 years to reform or perish. As Secretary-General, Perez de Cuellar formed a team that introduced basic changes into the United Nations. Dr. Boutros-Boutros Ghali cut the number of senior posts from 52 Under-Secretaries to 12, later restored to an increased number by others. Disagreements that did occur were mainly political. Kofi Annan’s quiet revolution was clearly coordinated with the US administration as well as with the international community, which support him and still do. In time the United States recognized that the United Nations couldn’t solve fundamental disputes, especially when big powers were involved. One Secretary-General discreetly grumbled that when a big power fights with a small power, the small power risks disappearing. If a small power fights with a small power, the conflict usually disappears. When a big power fights with another big power, the Security Council disappears. Perhaps U.S. Delegate James Woodworth put it best years ago when he said, “It is not good enough that the United Nations is not good enough, but it is the best we have.” The United Nations is the latest stop along the road from caveman to the ideal state of affairs. A key answer was once given by great past Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold. He said, if I may again use a French expression, “Le courage de nos differences,” which translates as the courage of our differences and which means, without being irresponsible, to accept what divides us with humility and courage. A veteran internationalist like myself, he believed that far from being separated by our differences, we could be enriched by our diversity.The United Nations is the latest stop along the road from caveman to the ideal state of affairs. A key answer was once given by great past Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold. He said, if I may again use a French expression, “Le courage de nos differences,” which translates as the courage of our differences and which means, without being irresponsible, to accept what divides us with humility and courage. The United States by its name reflects a nation of unified citizens who come from varied cultures and backgrounds. The human ties to Americans through relatives and nationalities represent an additional reason why the rest of the world responds with visible solidarity. Reports that victims from more than 62 countries perished in the World Trade Center reflect the fact that almost every one of the 189 UN members could find a compatriot in the United States and the speed with which the Security Council and the Secretary-General acted on the treaty-wide challenge to one country could become a multilateral cause. Clearly the United Nations is the most inclusive universal body we have for collective concerted action. Whatever political steps are agreed to, it may be worthwhile to consolidate the international will and project it through a precise moral framework based on the UN Charter. A conceptual approach could highlight the twin objectives of peace and security and economic and social development. The 1947 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, created after the outrage and turmoil of a world war, needs no revision, only a fresh affirmation, however brief. It may be time for the member states to work together with the Secretary General to make a renewed commitment to the principles of the declaration in an affirmation of the value of life and human dignity. If I may, I will conclude by quoting the UN Charter’s preamble which is very similar to the Constitution of the United States, These are UN values. I would claim that they are very basic US values. They are as well values of the international community. This is why there exists a very close relationship and why we are able to act together to achieve a joint purpose. |